[ Pobierz całość w formacie PDF ]
.53 Alewell (1913), 85, points out that, as opposed to later authors such as Pliny,the rubric of exempla impudicitiae is lacking in Valerius.Compare also Schmidt(1909), 1 30, who discusses the connections between Tuccia in 8.1.abs.5, theimportation of the cult of Magna Mater, and the appropriation and conflation ofsuch symbolism by Livia and Augustus.54 See Flory (1995 and 1996).~ ~55 Josephus AJ.18.75 panncin te atw dihkonsato peilhfuia qen~'einai.56 Josephus AJ.18.65 84; cf.Hennig (1975), 160 79, on Sejanus anti-Semiticpolicies.57 Suetonius Tib.36.58 Cramer (1954), 102 3.59 On Sejanus family in general, one may consult Cichorius (1904), who outlinesthe many interconnections of the family both with aristocracy and with holdersof priesthoods.60 Translation by John Jackson in LCL.61 Otto (1909); cf.Calderone (1972).62 Linderski (1986a), 2184.63 On the participation of women in triumphs during the imperial period, seeFlory (1998).64 Broughton MRR, 1, 471.65 Cicero Cael.34.We should note, however, that Cicero holds up Clodia s maleancestors as examples as well.Her male ancestors show consular glory, femalespudicitia (and pietas).This is paralleled in a more positive light in Suetonius Tib.2.4.On Claudians in the historiographical tradition, see Wiseman (1979a),57 103.66 On androgyne expiations, see MacBain (1982), 127 35.67 Cf.Fears (1981b), passim.68 Suetonius Tib.2.1 3.205 NOTES69 MRR, 1, 213, 216, 218, 220; cf.2, 538: L.Caecilius L.f.C.n.Metellus (72)Cos.251, 247, Pont.Max.243.The paradigmatic nature of the story ofMetellus is observed by Weinstock (1970), 181, who points out that VarroAntiq.1.frg.2a Ag.(= Aug.Civ.Dei 6.2) dedicated his book on religion toCaesar as pontifex maximus, and had claimed to be saving Roman religion likeMetellus before him.On the possible consequences of Metellus blindness for hiscontinued service as a priest, see Linderski (1986a), 2251 2 n.412, whodiscusses priests and requirements for physical fitness and provides further refer-ences.70 The augurium is unsolicited, and it is thus an auspicium oblativum, namely, itindicates that the gods are against the action in progress (Linderski (1993a),58 9).Metellus attempts to ignore the auspicium, but the gods insist.71 Vesta is not, however, the only, nor even necessarily the most likely, candidate.The nocturnal parra, not the corvus, is sacred to Vesta (Gross, Vesta, KP, 5,1227; cf.Capponi (1979), 381 2).On corvi latini in general, however, seeCapponi (1979), 196 202, who cites Pliny on the general predictive abilities ofcrows.On crows in particular, compare Wissowa, Kultus, 189 n.1: crows weretraditionally associated with Juno, because the crow, according to HoraceCarmina 3.27.10, was imbrium divina avis imminentum.So also Preller, RmMyth,1, 101 and 283 4, who adds that crows loved heights in general, and were thusin Athens associated with that city s divine custodian as well (1, 284).If thecrow was indeed sent by Juno to warn of an impending fire that was threateningVesta s temple and thus also Minerva s Palladium, we would have an interestingexample of interlocking interests among Rome s guardian goddesses.72 Linderski (1993b).Compare Hopf (1888) on the variety of animals the godscould make use of in their communiqus; cf.McDonough (1996).On non-linguistic rhetoric in general, including the rhetoric of birds in particular, seeKennedy (1992).73 Leuze (1905), 96 n.5, cites the ancient sources who record that Metellus wasblinded for viewing Vesta s sacra: Seneca Contr.4.2; Seneca Dial.(de providentia)1.5.2; Pliny HN 7.141; Juvenal Sat.6.265; Ampelius 20.11; Scholia in Juv.3.138.Leuze (1905), 95 115, however, painstakingly argues that all thesesources repeat an imperial fable originating in the rhetorical schools, and that,although Metellus did indeed save the sacra, he was not blinded as a result.74 This is disputed.Koch (1958), 1730 2, discusses the various positions.ThatValerius uses the term sacra rather than Palladium is, according to Ziehen (1949),184, a later development.He argues that there was an original collection of sacrawith more ancient roots in Roman religion and that the Palladium was addedlater, with the result that one ceased to be distinguished from the other.On themanifest presence of divinity in suchcult objects, compare Roloff (1952).75 Marquardt, Staatsverwaltung, 3, 250.76 Preller, RmMyth, 2, 164.77 Wissowa, Kultus, 216 19.Cf.Marquardt, Staatsverwaltung, 3, 345 6.Leuze(1905), 111, acknowledges Valerius attention to the birds, but fails to noteValerius attention to the time of day.78 Marquardt, Staatsverwaltung, 3, 346 7.79 Other sources include Livy Per.19; Cic.Pro Scauro 48; D.H.Ant.Rom.2.66.5;and Pliny HN 7.43.Christian authors accepted the miracle as fact, butattempted to denigrate the actions.Aug.Civ.Dei 3.18 calls the sacred objectscorporalia visibiliaque and the action of Metellus a temporary lapse into bravery,quodam modo salutis oblitus; cf.Orosius Hist.4.11.Compare also Zanker (1988),201 10; Sieveking, Palladion, in Rosch.Lex., 3, 13233; Ziehen (1949) 182 5;Leuze (1905), 97 n.7; and Mnzer (1897), 351.206 NOTES80 On the value of Ovid for investigations of Roman religion, see Fauth (1978),112; cf.Phillips (1992)
[ Pobierz całość w formacie PDF ]