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.The very fact that the language is forceful and incisive, that all the allusions are striking, and the thesis so tospeak irrefutable, is to some an obstacle to belief: nor is this surprising.If, at Waterloo, Napoleon had had a battalion of tanks and a few batteries of modern eight-inch guns, theforces of England and Prussia would have been driven from the field: with the improved methods of warfare ofthe last century at his command, he could have defied the armies of the world in 1814.For the past century the Jews have been making rapid progress in the theory and practice of politics, while therest of the world thought them merely emerging from the ghetto; and, as it cannot understand the intricate newmachinery of government they have devised and set up, it says, " Such a thing is impossible." Yet, like a greatengine of war, the organization of the Kahal advances on the course determined, crashing all resistance.That course is succinctly stated in the twenty-four protocols of Ginzberg: they are an epitome of Jewishthought from Rabbi Akiba10 and Maimonides11 down to Marx12 and Engels.At the same time the reader isreminded constantly of some familiar event of recent years which bears out the thesis.For example thepassage:13 " To show that all the gentile governments of Europe are enslaved by us, we will manifest ourpower by subjecting one of them to a reign of terror, violence and crime."Can anyone, recalling the Russian revolution of 1918, read this, knowing it was written before 1897,14 andnot be impressed by the correspondence between the prophecy and its fulfilment two decades later?But Ginzberg was no visionary: he knew of what he wrote, and the course of the revolutionary movementalready on foot in Russia had been too carefully calculated to leave any doubt as to its eventual success.The Second International was formed in 1889, and the theories of Marx and Engels adopted.The labourmovement was no longer represented by a small group of workingmen led by theorists, but by powerfulnational organizations of workers.Therefore the aim of the Second International to secure the transfer of powerto the proletariat was to be pursued under conditions more favourable than those which had prevailed at thetime of the First International.The dominant industrial and financial interests served to further the objectives ofthe socialists through a callous disregard for labour.15 In 1900, on Lenin's return from exile, appeared the first number of the revolutionary paper Iskra (" The Spark") edited in London by Trotski (Braunstein) a Jew, and supported by another Jew, Blumenfeld.16 Organizationsdirected by Iskra spread throughout Russia: it was the source from which the ideas of local leaders werederived.In March 1903, there emerged at its first meeting in Minsk, a completely formed Russian communistparty; it represented six organizations and was headed by nine men, of whom at least five were of Jewishdescent.17 It was known as the " Russian social democratic party " (until 1918), and its methods as well as itsmotto " Proletarians of all countries, unite ", were those of Marx and Engels.A second congress of the partymet at Brussels and then at London, in July and August, of the same year.Here the doctrine that " the necessarycondition of the social revolution is the dictatorship of the proletariat ", was expressed for the first time.18Then came the split between bolsheviks and mensheviks, and the movement faced its first real test in 1905.Weakened by defeat in the war with Japan, the Tsarist government could not forestall strikes and disorders.Theshooting down of workmen who had assembled before the winter palace encouraged the bolsheviks to attemptan armed uprising.A congress of the party met in London on April 25, 1905, and formulated the programmewhich was to be put in practice twelve years later.19The outbreak in Russia was immediately hailed by a Zionist paper as the work of Jews." The revolution in Russia is a Jewish revolution, a crisis in Jewish history.It is a Jewish revolution becauseRussia is the home of about half the Jews of the world, and an overturning of its despotic government musthave a very important influence on the destinies of the millions living there and on the many thousands whohave recently emigrated to other countries [ Pobierz całość w formacie PDF ]

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